Before September 11, 2001, not very much attention was paid to the plight of Afghanis. It took an attack on the United States to put the issues surrounding the Taliban’s abuses of women on the U.S. agenda. It was then that ‘America decided to remove the Taliban from power and Barbara Bush went on national television seeking emancipation for Afghan women. But after the Taliban fell, the focus shifted. Establishing the rule of law and rebuilding infrastructure became priorities. . . Women’s rights have receded in importance. Some who cast away veils are again shrouding themselves in towns where local militia, opposed to the Taliban but sharing their misogyny, patrol the streets.’ (Tripathi) The U.S. had one of its justifications for war in the suffering of Afghani women, but it seems that its interest in women’s human rights ended there. ‘The West’s explicit condemnation of the violation of women’s rights was a rhetorical, and short-lived, tool.’ (Franks) The United States has shown its true colors when it comes to women’s rights through its poorly-considered decision to embrace the Northern Alliance, which is composed of ‘essentially the same people who ravaged Afghanistan in the 1990s after the Soviet-backed regime collapsed, paving the way for the seizure of the capital by the Taliban in 1996’ (Taqui) and consists of drug-traffickers and warlords who do not have a very good record on human rights, particularly those of women. ‘Women are invoked, but are not present, in this latest international conflict. One need only look at the alliances America has forged in order to fight its war in Afghanistan – cooperation with the Northern Alliance (or United Front), largely composed of the very soldiers who led campaigns of rape, torture, and slaughter in the country before the Taliban came to power; and with the military dictator of Pakistan, a country that holds one of the worst records on women’s rights in the world.’ (Franks) By putting power in the hands of these people, the United States has shown great disregard for the welfare of women in Afghanistan. ‘It provides only alternative versions of the same story of violence and oppression, with the difference that it can congratulate itself for helping to set up a "democratic" government.’ (Franks) It is the official stance of the Revolutionary Association of the Women in Afghanistan that the leaders of the Northern Alliance belong ‘beside other war criminals’ in international tribunals ‘and not at the helm of a government for Afghanistan.’ (Rawa)

    With all the talk of establishing democracies in both Afghanistan and Iraq, one would expect that, especially after their history of oppression and the fact that they represent half of the population in both countries, more efforts would be made to insure that women had a voice in all the spheres of the development of their respective nations. While women are encouraged somewhat to participate in discussions and to become council members, there are simply not enough involved to fully represent the interests of women or to speak with a voice loud enough to make a difference. Furthermore, the U.S.-approved presence of ‘moderate’ religious extremists on said committees is disheartening, as ‘only with the establishment of a secular and democratic government in Afghanistan will Afghan women be able to unburden the deadweight of centuries of oppression and stand their full stature on a par with men.’ (RAWA) In Iraq, the lack of women on the constitutional committee and Governing Council are similarly disappointing. (Score Card) ‘The Iraqi Reconstruction Group. . . has only five women among 30 members. At a recent meeting in Nasiriyah, only four of the 80 selected delegates were women. Of 13 legal experts assembled by the US Justice Department to help rebuild Iraq’s shattered court system, none are women.’ (Liswood) How can the United States justify this gross inequity? Surely, no true democracy can be created in a country if its people are not adequately represented. Likewise, human rights atrocities directed towards women in particular cannot be addressed and prevented in a thorough manner without delegates to represent the interests of that particular oppressed group. ‘At least 30 percent of those involved – both at the local and national levels – must be women to ensure a real voice. A token few are not sufficient.’ (Liswood)

    ‘We must choose a path that will not only cut to the core of the problem and prevent its repeat in the future but also carry our voice peacefully to the world. This core lies in the Constitution and the Declaration itself is a legitimate, appropriate and direct path to it.’ (Gross) It is an unhappy situation, but one simply cannot expect men to guarantee the human rights of women. The inclusion of women in real decision-making bodies is essential to building Afghanistan and Iraq into countries devoid of extreme sexual inequality and abuse. ‘Women at the table in South Africa ensured that the country’s new Constitution guarantees women equal rights and representation. And, if international law carries any weight in postwar Iraq, it’s important to note that the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 mandates that women have meaningful participation in post conflict resolution, wherever it takes place. . . Look no further than Iran, where women and youth played a major role in the movement toward a more moderate government.’ (Liswood)

    It is not only a simple lack of effort to involve women in rebuilding Iraq and Afghanistan that keeps them disenfranchised, but a failure of the United States to provide security in those countries that prevents them from taking part in daily life, not to mention out of positions of power. ‘How can women be expected to vote, whether or not they have the right, if they are scared to leave their homes?’ (Tripathi) Many say that the United States has done Iraqi and Afghani women a disservice by ‘liberating’ them, at least in the manner that was chosen, as their livelihoods are worse off than (or are no better than) before the wars. ‘Insecurity and fear of sexual violence or abduction is keeping them in their homes, out of schools, and away from work and looking for employment. The failure of the occupying power to protect women and girls from violence, and redress it when it occurs, has both immediate and long-term negative implications for the safety of women and girls and for their participation in post-war life in Iraq.’ (Human) The rates of rape, gang rape, and the abduction and trade in women and girls in both nations have skyrocketed since the United States removed their governing bodies. ‘Many of the problems in addressing sexual violence and abduction against women and girls derive from the U.S.-led coalition forces and civilian administration’s failure to provide public security in Baghdad.’ Both countries are experiencing great shortages in law-enforcement, border control, medical treatment, and general humanitarian assistance. (Human) This is mainly due to a lack of staffing, equipment, and finances, as well as social attitudes. ‘We want security,’ one Iraqi citizen says, ‘Although the Americans sometimes are at the schools, to have tanks guarding us is not the point. You can’t walk the streets alone. . . We need security, then freedom.’ (Human) Others comment on how, even though the Taliban and Hussein were oppressive, at least it was safer for them. (Human) It is unreasonable for the United States to expect that they can create a democracy without putting enough effort into first protecting the peoples of Afghanistan and Iraq from each other. ‘The Afghan draft constitution released Nov. 4 does not do enough to guarantee women’s rights. Citizens are guaranteed rights, but women are not explicitly defined as citizens. Women’s rights are vulnerable in many areas to the interpretations of Islam. Warlords have threatened candidates for the Loya Jirda (grand assembly) that will adopt the constitution. Without adequate security, Loya Jirda delegates who support women’s rights may face threats and violence.’ (Score Card)

    ‘Ultimately, the Iraqi people must decide their own fate. Iraqi women for decades have enjoyed greater equality and opportunity than women and neighboring Arab countries. It will be an ironic twist of fate if the position of women in Iraq is neither preserved nor further enhanced in this formative time.’ (Liswood) If the United States is genuine in its projected determination to alter the status quo in Afghanistan and in Iraq for the betterment of its people, particularly women, there are many changes to be made. ‘If democratizing nations are seeking to replicate the Euro-American model of male-dominant democratic elitism within a capitalist economy, then perhaps it should not be such a surprise that women are faring less well than men. Many of the tools that democratizing nations are being offered to guide their transitions have been criticized by feminist scholars for perpetuating gender inequities.’ (Hawkesworth 226) While it would be quite inaccurate to say that the ‘democracy’ of the United States is perfect in its inclusiveness of women, the U.S. has opportunities in Iraq and Afghanistan to give women real control over their own destinies, and to right that wrong. The United States has a duty to insure that women are adequately represented in the restructuring of their respective nations as promised. To do this, not only does the United States need to make a conscious effort to get women involved, but it must also undertake measures to remedy the problems which present obstacles to women’s participation in government, not to mention obstruct their basic human rights. ‘As the occupying power, U.S.-led coalition forces have the responsibility to ensure public order and address Iraq’s law enforcement needs.’ (Human) Further actions might include changing certain laws, applying CEDAW [which the U.S. itself has not ratified], rejecting unilateralism, and providing ‘financial and technical assistance to civil society organizations.’ (Human) The United States, if only through pretending to care, has gotten itself involved in a very sticky human rights situation and cannot abandon Afghan and Iraqi women midstream. It has an obligation to empower and protect these people to best of its ability after using their oppression as an excuse to conquer their nations.

Works Cited

Franks, Mary Anne. "Obscene Undersides: Women and Evil between the Taliban and the United States" Hypatia Winter 2003: 135 – 156. Wilson Web (ISBN: 0887-5367) 25 Nov. 2003 <http://hwwilsonweb.com>

Global Women’s Issues Scorecard on the Bush Administration. 25 Nov. 2003 <http://www.wglobalscorecard.org/Nov03afghan.htm>

Gross, Nasrine. "The Declaration of the Essential Rights of Afghan Women and the Legitimacy of Afghanistan" 25 Nov. 2003 <http://users.erols.com/kabultec/elegit.html>

Hanford, Cindy. "Women Must Lead Afghan Government Back to Democracy." National Organization for Women Spring 2002. 25 Nov. 2003 <http://www.now.org/nnt/spring-2002/afghan.html>

Hawkesworth, Mary E., Rita Mae Kelly, Brigitte Young. Gender, Globalization, & Democratization. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001

Human Rights Watch. "Climate of Fear: Sexual Violence and Abduction of Women and Girls in Baghdad." July 2003. 25 Nov. 2003. <http://www.peacewomen.org/resources/Iraq/HRW2003.html>

Liswood, Laura. "Find a Role for Women in Rebuilding Iraq." 15 May 2003. 25 Nov. 2003 <http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/news/opeds/2003/liswood_women_iraq_csm_051503.htm>

RAWA. "The ‘Northern Alliance’: The Most Murderous Violators of Human Rights!" 10 Dec. 2001. 25 Nov. 2003. <http://www.rawa.fancymarketing.net/dec10-01e.htm>

Taqui, Dr. Jassim. "Afghanistan: The immoral Alliance" 16 Nov. 2001. 25 Nov. 2003 <http://www.geocities.com/notowars/views/immoral.html>

Tripathi, Salil. "Women’s rights after the Taliban." New Statesman 6 Oct. 2003: 19. Wilson Web (ISBN: 1364-7431) 25 Nov. 2003 <http://hwwilsonweb.com>